Four LTTE terrorists were killed when the troops launched an attack in general area Puwarasikulam in Vavuniya this morning, June 21.
According to the available information troops launched an effective fire observing terrorists bunker and hut in them.
Sunday, June 22, 2008
A question Prabhakaran must be asked - Island Editorial
The LTTE owes its existence to naivety of successive governments which sought to make war and peace according to its agenda. Whenever Prabhakaran landed himself in trouble, he managed to gain a breather simply by waving a white flag. He used the time so gained to regroup, rearm, infiltrate the southern areas and expand and step up its extortion operations. Every ceasefire meant a new lease of life for the outfit since Operation Liberation (1987), which would have accounted for him, if not for India's intervention and the subsequent 'peace process' which resulted in humiliation for India and disaster for Sri Lanka, thanks to blunders committed on both sides of the Palk Straits.
A sure sign of the LTTE being in difficulty is its call for a ceasefire. When the roaring Tigers receive a thorough beating, they coo like doves and their minders go running to the international community seeking its intervention. One sees that happening at present. Their campaign to secure a breather for the Tigers trapped in the Wanni has got into the Over Drive mode. They have suddenly realized the value of life and begun weeping buckets for civilians dying in terror attacks. It is a pity that they did nothing to prevent the LTTE from resuming war three years ago!
Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremenayake has told a newly accredited foreign envoy that talks are not possible unless and until the LTTE eschews violence and lays down arms. This will never happen. For, the LTTE has crossed the Rubicon in its terrorist war and its survival hinges upon remaining armed and unleashing violence. It may have done as the Prime Minister says within the first few years of its armed struggle but now it has become a prisoner of its own violence. Or, it may be able to wean itself away from terrorism under a different leadership. With Prabhakaran and his cohorts at the helm, the LTTE will never be able to give up arms and violence. The LTTE cannot exist in a democratic environment.
The LTTE has no way of escape now. It desperately needs a ceasefire which will cause the freezing of the troop positions and an MoU which will permit it to engage in 'political work' (read consolidation of its power) in the Eastern Province again. It is also in need of some kind of talks to be held overseas at a time when its fronts are being targeted by foreign governments as in Canada and Italy. Such crackdowns wouldn't have come at a worse time for the LTTE, whose morale is at a low ebb. A ceasefire will enable its fronts abroad to have a breather.
A ceasefire is a worrisome proposition for the government, as it will militate against the implementation of the Indian remedy which the LTTE has rejected lock, stock and barrel. The government cannot afford to offer anything more to the LTTE as its breakaway group the TMVP led by Chief Minister S. Chandrakanthan has agreed to the 13th Amendment and is trying to make it work in the East.
If anyone is desirous of a ceasefire, it is not the government that should be pressured to stop war but the LTTE. For, it was Prabhakaran who resumed the present phase of war in Nov. 2005, even before President Mahinda Rajapaksa had been properly ensconced in power. Barely two weeks after President Rajapaksa's induction, Prabhakaran in his heroes' day speech promised war and began claymore mine attacks on military and police personnel soon afterwards. Then he captured the Mavil Aru reservoir in 2006 depriving thousands of people of access to water thus causing a dilly-dallying President Rajapaksa to take up a stand. Hadn't the government decided to take on the LTTE, Prabhakaran, true to form, would have captured other irrigations works in the East as well. And, that was the time when the Trincomalee harbor was well within the range of heavy weapons of the LTTE, which after the resumption of war successfully shelled parts thereof.
Prabhakaran is said to be a good strategist but he blundered badly by resuming war in 2005. He may have wanted to unsettle President Rajapaksa from the word go so that he would not be able to counter the LTTE effectively. But, that proved to be a disastrous military miscalculation as its consequences have demonstrated. He must be regretting having ever done so!
There is a limit to Prabhakaran's resistance. He cannot hold out for ever in the Wanni as he has no way of replenishing supplies and the morale of his cadres is sagging due to being encircled. They cannot fight on several fronts at the same time to ward off the military juggernaut their boss has set in motion. On the LTTE's own admission, the army is also active deep inside its territory, which it once claimed to be impregnable and isn't this ample proof that Prabhakaran is getting beaten at his own game?
Prabhakaran has been targeting civilians at a rate and will continue to do so in a bid to pressure the government to abandon the war. Wounded, the Tigers are more ferocious. And they are likely to step up its killing spree in time to come. But, nothing is going to work for Prabhakaran this time round as the country has over the years learnt to remain resilient.
Those who are campaigning for a ceasefire must ask Prabhakaran a very simple question: "Are you willing to give up Eelam and settle for anything less?"
If his answer is in the negative, then the question is whether there is any point in trying to talk peace with him under the delusion that he might change his mind someday.
The LTTE owes its existence to naivete of successive governments which mistakenly sought to make war and peace according to its agenda. Whenever Prabhakaran landed himself in trouble, he managed to gain a breather simply by waving a white flag. He used the time so gained to regroup, rearm, infiltrate the southern areas and expand and step up its extortion operations. Every ceasefire meant a new lease of life for the outfit since Operation Liberation (1987), which would have accounted for him, if not for India's intervention and the subsequent 'peace process' which resulted in humiliation for India and disaster for Sri Lanka, thanks to blunders committed on both sides of the Palk Straits.
A sure sign of the LTTE being in difficulty is its call for a ceasefire. When the roaring Tigers receive a thorough beating, they coo like doves and their minders go running to the international community seeking its intervention. One sees that happening at present. Their campaign to secure a breather for the Tigers trapped in the Wanni has got into the Over Drive mode. They have suddenly realised the value of life and begun weeping buckets for civilians dying in terror attacks. It is a pity that they did nothing to prevent the LTTE from resuming war three years ago!
Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremenayake has told a newly accredited foreign envoy that talks are not possible unless and until the LTTE eschews violence and lays down arms. This will never happen. For, the LTTE has crossed the Rubicon in its terrorist war and its survival hinges upon being armed and unleashing violence. It may have been able to do as the Prime Minister says within the first few years of its armed struggle but now it has become a prisoner of its own violence. Or, it may be able to wean itself away from terrorism under a different leadership. With Prabhakaran and his cohorts at the helm, the LTTE will never be able to give up arms and violence. It cannot exist in a democratic environment.
The LTTE has no way of escape now. It desperately needs a ceasefire which will cause the freezing of the troop positions and an MoU which will permit it to engage in 'political work' (read consolidation of its power) in the Eastern Province again. It is also in need of some kind of talks to be held overseas at a time when its fronts are being targeted by foreign governments as in Canada and Italy. Such crackdowns couldn't have come at a worse time for the LTTE, whose morale is at a low ebb. A ceasefire will enable its international fronts to have a breather.
A ceasefire is a worrisome proposition for the government, as it will militate against the implementation of the Indian remedy which the LTTE has rejected lock, stock and barrel. The government cannot afford to offer anything more to the LTTE as its breakaway group the TMVP led by Chief Minister S. Chandrakanthan has agreed to the 13th Amendment and is trying to make it work in the East. On the other hand, it is highly unlikely that India will endorse a devolution package that goes beyond her quasi federalism.
If anyone is desirous of a ceasefire, it is not the government that should be pressured to stop war but the LTTE. For, it was Prabhakaran who resumed the present phase of war in Nov. 2005, even before President Mahinda Rajapaksa had been properly ensconced in power. Barely two weeks after President Rajapaksa's induction, Prabhakaran in his heroes' day speech promised war and began claymore mine attacks on military and police personnel soon afterwards. Then he captured the Mavil Aru reservoir in 2006 depriving thousands of people of access to water thus causing a dilly-dallying President Rajapaksa to take a stand. Hadn't the government decided to take on the LTTE, Prabhakaran, true to form, would have captured other irrigation works in the East as well. And, that was the time when the Trincomalee harbour was well within the range of heavy weapons of the LTTE, which after the resumption of war successfully shelled parts thereof.
Prabhakaran is said to be a good strategist but he blundered badly by resuming war in 2005. He may have wanted to unsettle President Rajapaksa from the word go so that the latter would not be able to counter the LTTE effectively. But, that proved to be a disastrous military miscalculation as its consequences have demonstrated. He must be regretting having ever done so!
There is a limit to Prabhakaran's resistance. He cannot hold out for ever in the Wanni as he has no way of replenishing supplies and the morale of his cadres is sagging due to being encircled. They cannot fight on several fronts at the same time to ward off the military juggernaut their boss has set in motion. On the LTTE's own admission, the army is also active deep inside its territory, which it once claimed to be impregnable and isn't this ample proof that Prabhakaran is getting beaten at his own game?
Prabhakaran has been targeting civilians at a rate and will continue to do so in a bid to pressure the government to abandon its war effort. Wounded, the Tigers are more ferocious. And they are likely to step up its killing spree in time to come. But, nothing is going to work for Prabhakaran this time round as the country has over the years learnt to remain resilient.
Those who are campaigning for a ceasefire must ask Prabhakaran a very simple question: "Are you willing to give up Eelam and settle for anything less?"
If his answer is in the negative, then the question is whether there is any point in trying to talk peace with him under the delusion that he might change his mind someday.
Courtesy : The Island
A sure sign of the LTTE being in difficulty is its call for a ceasefire. When the roaring Tigers receive a thorough beating, they coo like doves and their minders go running to the international community seeking its intervention. One sees that happening at present. Their campaign to secure a breather for the Tigers trapped in the Wanni has got into the Over Drive mode. They have suddenly realized the value of life and begun weeping buckets for civilians dying in terror attacks. It is a pity that they did nothing to prevent the LTTE from resuming war three years ago!
Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremenayake has told a newly accredited foreign envoy that talks are not possible unless and until the LTTE eschews violence and lays down arms. This will never happen. For, the LTTE has crossed the Rubicon in its terrorist war and its survival hinges upon remaining armed and unleashing violence. It may have done as the Prime Minister says within the first few years of its armed struggle but now it has become a prisoner of its own violence. Or, it may be able to wean itself away from terrorism under a different leadership. With Prabhakaran and his cohorts at the helm, the LTTE will never be able to give up arms and violence. The LTTE cannot exist in a democratic environment.
The LTTE has no way of escape now. It desperately needs a ceasefire which will cause the freezing of the troop positions and an MoU which will permit it to engage in 'political work' (read consolidation of its power) in the Eastern Province again. It is also in need of some kind of talks to be held overseas at a time when its fronts are being targeted by foreign governments as in Canada and Italy. Such crackdowns wouldn't have come at a worse time for the LTTE, whose morale is at a low ebb. A ceasefire will enable its fronts abroad to have a breather.
A ceasefire is a worrisome proposition for the government, as it will militate against the implementation of the Indian remedy which the LTTE has rejected lock, stock and barrel. The government cannot afford to offer anything more to the LTTE as its breakaway group the TMVP led by Chief Minister S. Chandrakanthan has agreed to the 13th Amendment and is trying to make it work in the East.
If anyone is desirous of a ceasefire, it is not the government that should be pressured to stop war but the LTTE. For, it was Prabhakaran who resumed the present phase of war in Nov. 2005, even before President Mahinda Rajapaksa had been properly ensconced in power. Barely two weeks after President Rajapaksa's induction, Prabhakaran in his heroes' day speech promised war and began claymore mine attacks on military and police personnel soon afterwards. Then he captured the Mavil Aru reservoir in 2006 depriving thousands of people of access to water thus causing a dilly-dallying President Rajapaksa to take up a stand. Hadn't the government decided to take on the LTTE, Prabhakaran, true to form, would have captured other irrigations works in the East as well. And, that was the time when the Trincomalee harbor was well within the range of heavy weapons of the LTTE, which after the resumption of war successfully shelled parts thereof.
Prabhakaran is said to be a good strategist but he blundered badly by resuming war in 2005. He may have wanted to unsettle President Rajapaksa from the word go so that he would not be able to counter the LTTE effectively. But, that proved to be a disastrous military miscalculation as its consequences have demonstrated. He must be regretting having ever done so!
There is a limit to Prabhakaran's resistance. He cannot hold out for ever in the Wanni as he has no way of replenishing supplies and the morale of his cadres is sagging due to being encircled. They cannot fight on several fronts at the same time to ward off the military juggernaut their boss has set in motion. On the LTTE's own admission, the army is also active deep inside its territory, which it once claimed to be impregnable and isn't this ample proof that Prabhakaran is getting beaten at his own game?
Prabhakaran has been targeting civilians at a rate and will continue to do so in a bid to pressure the government to abandon the war. Wounded, the Tigers are more ferocious. And they are likely to step up its killing spree in time to come. But, nothing is going to work for Prabhakaran this time round as the country has over the years learnt to remain resilient.
Those who are campaigning for a ceasefire must ask Prabhakaran a very simple question: "Are you willing to give up Eelam and settle for anything less?"
If his answer is in the negative, then the question is whether there is any point in trying to talk peace with him under the delusion that he might change his mind someday.
The LTTE owes its existence to naivete of successive governments which mistakenly sought to make war and peace according to its agenda. Whenever Prabhakaran landed himself in trouble, he managed to gain a breather simply by waving a white flag. He used the time so gained to regroup, rearm, infiltrate the southern areas and expand and step up its extortion operations. Every ceasefire meant a new lease of life for the outfit since Operation Liberation (1987), which would have accounted for him, if not for India's intervention and the subsequent 'peace process' which resulted in humiliation for India and disaster for Sri Lanka, thanks to blunders committed on both sides of the Palk Straits.
A sure sign of the LTTE being in difficulty is its call for a ceasefire. When the roaring Tigers receive a thorough beating, they coo like doves and their minders go running to the international community seeking its intervention. One sees that happening at present. Their campaign to secure a breather for the Tigers trapped in the Wanni has got into the Over Drive mode. They have suddenly realised the value of life and begun weeping buckets for civilians dying in terror attacks. It is a pity that they did nothing to prevent the LTTE from resuming war three years ago!
Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremenayake has told a newly accredited foreign envoy that talks are not possible unless and until the LTTE eschews violence and lays down arms. This will never happen. For, the LTTE has crossed the Rubicon in its terrorist war and its survival hinges upon being armed and unleashing violence. It may have been able to do as the Prime Minister says within the first few years of its armed struggle but now it has become a prisoner of its own violence. Or, it may be able to wean itself away from terrorism under a different leadership. With Prabhakaran and his cohorts at the helm, the LTTE will never be able to give up arms and violence. It cannot exist in a democratic environment.
The LTTE has no way of escape now. It desperately needs a ceasefire which will cause the freezing of the troop positions and an MoU which will permit it to engage in 'political work' (read consolidation of its power) in the Eastern Province again. It is also in need of some kind of talks to be held overseas at a time when its fronts are being targeted by foreign governments as in Canada and Italy. Such crackdowns couldn't have come at a worse time for the LTTE, whose morale is at a low ebb. A ceasefire will enable its international fronts to have a breather.
A ceasefire is a worrisome proposition for the government, as it will militate against the implementation of the Indian remedy which the LTTE has rejected lock, stock and barrel. The government cannot afford to offer anything more to the LTTE as its breakaway group the TMVP led by Chief Minister S. Chandrakanthan has agreed to the 13th Amendment and is trying to make it work in the East. On the other hand, it is highly unlikely that India will endorse a devolution package that goes beyond her quasi federalism.
If anyone is desirous of a ceasefire, it is not the government that should be pressured to stop war but the LTTE. For, it was Prabhakaran who resumed the present phase of war in Nov. 2005, even before President Mahinda Rajapaksa had been properly ensconced in power. Barely two weeks after President Rajapaksa's induction, Prabhakaran in his heroes' day speech promised war and began claymore mine attacks on military and police personnel soon afterwards. Then he captured the Mavil Aru reservoir in 2006 depriving thousands of people of access to water thus causing a dilly-dallying President Rajapaksa to take a stand. Hadn't the government decided to take on the LTTE, Prabhakaran, true to form, would have captured other irrigation works in the East as well. And, that was the time when the Trincomalee harbour was well within the range of heavy weapons of the LTTE, which after the resumption of war successfully shelled parts thereof.
Prabhakaran is said to be a good strategist but he blundered badly by resuming war in 2005. He may have wanted to unsettle President Rajapaksa from the word go so that the latter would not be able to counter the LTTE effectively. But, that proved to be a disastrous military miscalculation as its consequences have demonstrated. He must be regretting having ever done so!
There is a limit to Prabhakaran's resistance. He cannot hold out for ever in the Wanni as he has no way of replenishing supplies and the morale of his cadres is sagging due to being encircled. They cannot fight on several fronts at the same time to ward off the military juggernaut their boss has set in motion. On the LTTE's own admission, the army is also active deep inside its territory, which it once claimed to be impregnable and isn't this ample proof that Prabhakaran is getting beaten at his own game?
Prabhakaran has been targeting civilians at a rate and will continue to do so in a bid to pressure the government to abandon its war effort. Wounded, the Tigers are more ferocious. And they are likely to step up its killing spree in time to come. But, nothing is going to work for Prabhakaran this time round as the country has over the years learnt to remain resilient.
Those who are campaigning for a ceasefire must ask Prabhakaran a very simple question: "Are you willing to give up Eelam and settle for anything less?"
If his answer is in the negative, then the question is whether there is any point in trying to talk peace with him under the delusion that he might change his mind someday.
Courtesy : The Island
'LTTE fund raisers should be sued for act of treason against Sri Lanka' says SPUR President
Kithsiri de Silva, President of the Australian based Peace organisation WASPUR, (Society for Peace, Unity and Human Rights) during a letter written to the Inspector General of Police recently said that, while enjoying the comfort and security provided by the heroic services and police personal, few NGOs have stooped to the lowest level of plotting against the very men and women who cover their backs.
"These organisations and individuals use the Human Rights and Media Rights as a smoke screen to engage in treacherous acts against the very country in which they are citizens of or are guest workers", he further stated in the letter written to the IGP.
He also added that the GOSL should embark on an immediate investigation to establish the source of funds to these NGOs and individuals to establish whether any of the LTTE funds have filled their coffers and apply the law of the land appropriately, in particular whether any acts of Treason against Sri Lanka has been committed by these Traitors.
The full text of the letter sent to the IGP this week by the President of WASPUR follows.
Dear Inspector General of Police,
As you may be aware the LTTE's dirty war on Sri Lankan State, it's economy and most critically her civil population is been waged and to a great extent funded from collections by the illicit activities of LTTE and it's front organisations across the world.
The noose is getting tighter around the neck of such fronts which are not only the main oxygen supply to LTTE Terror in Sri Lanka but also a major disruption for the peaceful cohabitation among ethnic communities in Western countries. As you would appreciate the recent actions in UK, Canada and Australia were driven by the latter concern and not because of their bleeding hearts for Sri Lanka's wellbeing.
However, one group that seems to continue to carry on destabilising the social fabric in Sri Lanka and overtly and covertly support the murderous and fascist LTTE are many FNGOs,NGOs and individuals, particularly in academia moonlighting as Champions for Human Rights. While enjoying the comfort and security provided by our heroic service and police personal they stoop to the lowest level of plotting against the very men and women who cover their backs. In other words these organisations and individuals have blood on their hands.
These organisations and individuals use the Human Rights and Media Rights as a smoke screen to engage in treacherous acts against the very country in which they are citizens of or are guest workers. Isn't it ironic that whenever an international aid group, economic alliance or other bi-lateral forum is to be engaged with Sri Lanka it is these dishonest and anti Sri Lankan NGOs and individuals who become active and start issuing communiqu‚s and offer interviews to international media denouncing the Sri Lankan State.
As part of the plot by many to see demise of Sri Lanka as we know it none of the International Collaborators also do not seem to be interested to talk to the Indigenous NGOs among Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities or across the spectrum of the civil society in general. Would not this very pattern suggest a plot against Sri Lanka by these groups and individuals?
We request that the GOSL embark on an immediate investigation to establish the source of funds to these NGOs and individuals to establish whether any of LTTE funds have filled their coffers and apply the law of the land appropriately, in particular whether any acts of Treason against Sri Lanka has been committed by these Traitors.
Yours Sincerely
WASPUR
"These organisations and individuals use the Human Rights and Media Rights as a smoke screen to engage in treacherous acts against the very country in which they are citizens of or are guest workers", he further stated in the letter written to the IGP.
He also added that the GOSL should embark on an immediate investigation to establish the source of funds to these NGOs and individuals to establish whether any of the LTTE funds have filled their coffers and apply the law of the land appropriately, in particular whether any acts of Treason against Sri Lanka has been committed by these Traitors.
The full text of the letter sent to the IGP this week by the President of WASPUR follows.
Dear Inspector General of Police,
As you may be aware the LTTE's dirty war on Sri Lankan State, it's economy and most critically her civil population is been waged and to a great extent funded from collections by the illicit activities of LTTE and it's front organisations across the world.
The noose is getting tighter around the neck of such fronts which are not only the main oxygen supply to LTTE Terror in Sri Lanka but also a major disruption for the peaceful cohabitation among ethnic communities in Western countries. As you would appreciate the recent actions in UK, Canada and Australia were driven by the latter concern and not because of their bleeding hearts for Sri Lanka's wellbeing.
However, one group that seems to continue to carry on destabilising the social fabric in Sri Lanka and overtly and covertly support the murderous and fascist LTTE are many FNGOs,NGOs and individuals, particularly in academia moonlighting as Champions for Human Rights. While enjoying the comfort and security provided by our heroic service and police personal they stoop to the lowest level of plotting against the very men and women who cover their backs. In other words these organisations and individuals have blood on their hands.
These organisations and individuals use the Human Rights and Media Rights as a smoke screen to engage in treacherous acts against the very country in which they are citizens of or are guest workers. Isn't it ironic that whenever an international aid group, economic alliance or other bi-lateral forum is to be engaged with Sri Lanka it is these dishonest and anti Sri Lankan NGOs and individuals who become active and start issuing communiqu‚s and offer interviews to international media denouncing the Sri Lankan State.
As part of the plot by many to see demise of Sri Lanka as we know it none of the International Collaborators also do not seem to be interested to talk to the Indigenous NGOs among Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities or across the spectrum of the civil society in general. Would not this very pattern suggest a plot against Sri Lanka by these groups and individuals?
We request that the GOSL embark on an immediate investigation to establish the source of funds to these NGOs and individuals to establish whether any of LTTE funds have filled their coffers and apply the law of the land appropriately, in particular whether any acts of Treason against Sri Lanka has been committed by these Traitors.
Yours Sincerely
WASPUR
Italian newspapers reveal scope of anti-LTTE operation
A clandestine network of the LTTE was collecting money from their fellow countrymen resident in Italy to be destined to the subversive group. Those who refused to pay a certain amount every month risked retaliations against their family members in Sri Lanka, Italian newspapers reported on the arrest of 33 LTTE terrorists in that country. The newspapers La Repubblica, Il Corrierr della Sera and Il Massaggero reported extensively on this massive operation conducted throughout Italy.
The report in the La Repubblica: "This is a distant war on which the investigators of the Special Police of Naples coordinated by the Anti-Terrorist Department of the Law Courts have focused their attention. The secrets of the mechanism of financing this war were kept by unsuspected immigrants, all with a regular stay permit and who have been living are working as domestics in Italy for many years.
Thirty Sri Lankan citizens of the Tamil ethnic group have been arrested with the accusation of association finalised to terrorism and extortion.
The operation took place in Naples, Rome, Palermo, Genoa, Bologna, Reggio Emilia, Mantova and Biella. The persons under investigations are accused to be members of the LTTE, the terrorist organisation that has caused so much bloodshed in Sri Lanka during the last 25 years and has provoked the death of over 8,000 civilians. In one year over Euro 3.5 million have been collected to be destined to the Tigers, often by blackmail.
The investigation has been carried out with thousands of telephone tappings and this with the new law, as Public Prosecutor Rosario Cantelmo says, "would not have been possible" since the investigators, as soon as a name came out in the course of a conversation immediately put under control also the telephone line of the latter, which would have been prohibited under the new law.
The investigation began in September 2006 when three Sri Lankans, of the Sinhalese ethnic group made an entry to the police stating that they were threatened by fellow countrymen on the eve of a demonstration against Tamil separatism organised in Naples.
The Chief of Digos, the Special Police, Antonio Sbordone and the Anti Terrorist Chief Inspector Dr. Lorenzo Manso initiated investigations that led to the arrests. The network had divided the territory in five areas: Biella, Genoa, Reggio Emilia, Naples and Palermo.
In Biella resided the "Coordinator for the Centre-North" while the "Coordinator for the South" resided in Palermo.
The primary goal was the collection of money: "You must force them, you must scare the people," persons under investigation says during a telephone conversation who then adds: "We must keep them in our fist, they are all our hostages, they must work at all costs for the organisation."
The group has its own 'counter intelligence' that filed all the Tamils living in Italy. The Tigers act in the same way also in other European countries. The mysterious chief who kept all the contacts resides in Zurich and in the telephone tappings he is referred to as 'The Big Man'. The arrests will all be validated in the next 24 hours.
Forty five days ago the law courts had asked for a 'custody ordinance' but the worsening of the situation in Sri Lanka, where just during this month there have been three terrorist attacks with 10 of victims, has suggested to intervene immediately.
The Minister of Interior, Roberto Maroni made his compliments to the investigators, whose chief, Sbordone reminded that the great majority of Sri Lankans in Italy is composed by honest and hard working persons.
Courtesy : Daily News
Related News >>
'3.5 million British Pounds raked for LTTE' says Italian Police
Italian Police arrests 33 LTTE terror suspects [Updated]
The report in the La Repubblica: "This is a distant war on which the investigators of the Special Police of Naples coordinated by the Anti-Terrorist Department of the Law Courts have focused their attention. The secrets of the mechanism of financing this war were kept by unsuspected immigrants, all with a regular stay permit and who have been living are working as domestics in Italy for many years.
Thirty Sri Lankan citizens of the Tamil ethnic group have been arrested with the accusation of association finalised to terrorism and extortion.
The operation took place in Naples, Rome, Palermo, Genoa, Bologna, Reggio Emilia, Mantova and Biella. The persons under investigations are accused to be members of the LTTE, the terrorist organisation that has caused so much bloodshed in Sri Lanka during the last 25 years and has provoked the death of over 8,000 civilians. In one year over Euro 3.5 million have been collected to be destined to the Tigers, often by blackmail.
The investigation has been carried out with thousands of telephone tappings and this with the new law, as Public Prosecutor Rosario Cantelmo says, "would not have been possible" since the investigators, as soon as a name came out in the course of a conversation immediately put under control also the telephone line of the latter, which would have been prohibited under the new law.
The investigation began in September 2006 when three Sri Lankans, of the Sinhalese ethnic group made an entry to the police stating that they were threatened by fellow countrymen on the eve of a demonstration against Tamil separatism organised in Naples.
The Chief of Digos, the Special Police, Antonio Sbordone and the Anti Terrorist Chief Inspector Dr. Lorenzo Manso initiated investigations that led to the arrests. The network had divided the territory in five areas: Biella, Genoa, Reggio Emilia, Naples and Palermo.
In Biella resided the "Coordinator for the Centre-North" while the "Coordinator for the South" resided in Palermo.
The primary goal was the collection of money: "You must force them, you must scare the people," persons under investigation says during a telephone conversation who then adds: "We must keep them in our fist, they are all our hostages, they must work at all costs for the organisation."
The group has its own 'counter intelligence' that filed all the Tamils living in Italy. The Tigers act in the same way also in other European countries. The mysterious chief who kept all the contacts resides in Zurich and in the telephone tappings he is referred to as 'The Big Man'. The arrests will all be validated in the next 24 hours.
Forty five days ago the law courts had asked for a 'custody ordinance' but the worsening of the situation in Sri Lanka, where just during this month there have been three terrorist attacks with 10 of victims, has suggested to intervene immediately.
The Minister of Interior, Roberto Maroni made his compliments to the investigators, whose chief, Sbordone reminded that the great majority of Sri Lankans in Italy is composed by honest and hard working persons.
Courtesy : Daily News
Related News >>
'3.5 million British Pounds raked for LTTE' says Italian Police
Italian Police arrests 33 LTTE terror suspects [Updated]
3 LTTE terrorists killed, 2 wounded in Mannar
Three LTTE terrorists were reported killed and two wounded in SLA launched ground attacks at the Mannar front on Friday (June 20), security sources report.
A terrorist was killed in general area Mullikkandal, following an Army sniper attack at around 2.50p.m., the sources said. Two other terrorists were killed and similar numbers believed wounded in an Army offensive launched in general area Nedunkandal, at 5.25p.m., the sources added.
A terrorist was killed in general area Mullikkandal, following an Army sniper attack at around 2.50p.m., the sources said. Two other terrorists were killed and similar numbers believed wounded in an Army offensive launched in general area Nedunkandal, at 5.25p.m., the sources added.
Film Corporation director behind Colombo civilian massacres arrested [Corrected]
Sri Lanka police intelligence sleuths yesterday (June 20) arrested the mastermind behind recent civilian massacres carried out in Colombo and suburbs by the LTTE terrorists. According to the police sources, the terrorist has been acting as a handler of "suicide bombers" and the main distributor of bombs for the terrorist network in the South.
Police media spokesperson, Senior Superintendent of Police Ranjith Gunasekara speaking to the defence.lk said that, the arrest was made last evening during a special raid carried out in the Kotahena area. He said the arrest was made on information provided by one of suicide bomber arrested in the Wellawatte area few days ago. The said suicide bomber had been handled by the terrorist who was arrested yesterday, he added.
"The terrorist was found in possession of an identity card issued by the National Film Corporation calling him to be a Director of the Corporation", he said.
"Also, he has a shop in the first floor of the Kotahena Supermarket where he used to keep the suicide cadre harboured during night hours", he further said.
Police media spokesperson refrained from revealing the names of the two suspects but confirmed that both of them have already confessed the crimes they had committed against innocent civilians.
"It was this "director" who had sent the female suicide bomber on the mission that killed 14 people including 7 school boys of the D.S Senanayake College at the Fort railway station on 3rd February in the wake of the independence day celebrations", he said.
"The suicide bomber who was arrested in this case is the one who had made the bombs under his handler's shelter at the shop at Kotahena". "The 'Director' was the one who had distributed the bombs to the other bombers to carryout civilian massacres" he added.
defence.lk further learnt that the police had found 9.5 kg of high explosives, a stock of detonators , iron balls weighing 1.5kg, and batteries with the suicide bomber. During the interrogations made he had revealed vital information on the LTTE network in the south.
The suicide bomber has told the police that he had been engaged in reconnaissance operations on VIP movements close to the Government Information Department at Narahenpita during recent past.
According to our sources, the suicide bomber had requested from the Wanni to give him a target as soon as possible for he could end his life and the immense mental agony that he had been suffering. The suicide bomber has further told the police that he does not wish to die for the LTTE any longer and agreed to give his full cooperation for the investigations, the sources added.
Meanwhile, the "Director" has revealed that he was to participate for a cultural show held at BMICH yesterday (21). The Prime Minster and Minister Mahinda Yapa Abewardane were also to participate for the same event. Police have found an invitation addressed to the terrorist for the said event issued by the Director of Cultural Department.
Related News >>>
11 civilians killed and 92 injured in LTTE bomb blast- Colombo
Police media spokesperson, Senior Superintendent of Police Ranjith Gunasekara speaking to the defence.lk said that, the arrest was made last evening during a special raid carried out in the Kotahena area. He said the arrest was made on information provided by one of suicide bomber arrested in the Wellawatte area few days ago. The said suicide bomber had been handled by the terrorist who was arrested yesterday, he added.
"The terrorist was found in possession of an identity card issued by the National Film Corporation calling him to be a Director of the Corporation", he said.
"Also, he has a shop in the first floor of the Kotahena Supermarket where he used to keep the suicide cadre harboured during night hours", he further said.
Police media spokesperson refrained from revealing the names of the two suspects but confirmed that both of them have already confessed the crimes they had committed against innocent civilians.
"It was this "director" who had sent the female suicide bomber on the mission that killed 14 people including 7 school boys of the D.S Senanayake College at the Fort railway station on 3rd February in the wake of the independence day celebrations", he said.
"The suicide bomber who was arrested in this case is the one who had made the bombs under his handler's shelter at the shop at Kotahena". "The 'Director' was the one who had distributed the bombs to the other bombers to carryout civilian massacres" he added.
defence.lk further learnt that the police had found 9.5 kg of high explosives, a stock of detonators , iron balls weighing 1.5kg, and batteries with the suicide bomber. During the interrogations made he had revealed vital information on the LTTE network in the south.
The suicide bomber has told the police that he had been engaged in reconnaissance operations on VIP movements close to the Government Information Department at Narahenpita during recent past.
According to our sources, the suicide bomber had requested from the Wanni to give him a target as soon as possible for he could end his life and the immense mental agony that he had been suffering. The suicide bomber has further told the police that he does not wish to die for the LTTE any longer and agreed to give his full cooperation for the investigations, the sources added.
Meanwhile, the "Director" has revealed that he was to participate for a cultural show held at BMICH yesterday (21). The Prime Minster and Minister Mahinda Yapa Abewardane were also to participate for the same event. Police have found an invitation addressed to the terrorist for the said event issued by the Director of Cultural Department.
Related News >>>
11 civilians killed and 92 injured in LTTE bomb blast- Colombo
Saturday, June 14, 2008
Sri Lanka strives to strengthen Human Rights whilst dealing with Terrorism
The Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to the United Nations Office at Geneva 13th June 2008
Final Statement of the Sri Lankan delegation on the Universal Periodic Review of Sri Lanka by the United Nations Human Rights Council June 13th 2008 (adapted from delivery)
This had been preceded first by the statement of the Minister of Disaster Management and Human Rights, read by the Secretary, introducing the Report of the UPR Process. Then followed statements by nine countries, many of which commended Sri Lanka for its efforts to safeguard all human rights despite the difficulties posed by terrorist threats. Unfortunately there was no time for other countries, including those from the SAARC Region, which had put themselves down to speak. Three countries, whilst appreciating progress, and Sri Lankan responses to the UPR process, suggested other areas in which further improvements could be made, while one country expressed disappointment about responses to recommendations, in particular the rejection about acceptance of a UN Monitoring Mission.
Seven statements by Non-Governmental Organizations followed, many of them expressing disappointment about the rejection of this particular recommendation, whilst raising other issues such as the rights of women and children which they felt had not been adequately addressed by member states during the UPR process.
Prof Rajiva Wijesinha, Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, stated in the Sri Lankan response
Mr President, as you noted, this is not supposed to be an interactive dialogue, so we will not respond to individual comments. We are grateful, as we said before during the review, to all the countries that raised issues, not only those that recognized progress made on various fronts but also those that made constructive criticisms to help improve matters. We are pleased that all but one of the countries that spoke today were so positive, and we respect the queries raised by a couple of them and will do our best to address them. However, we will use this time to raise some general issues in order to clarify matters whilst taking the general purpose of this process further. Let me then first ask my colleague Mr Mohan Pieris to address some of the topics raised
Mr. Mohan Peiris, P.C (President's Counsel) Legal Advisor to the Ministry of Defence
I will deal first with some of the salient critiques made by distinguished delegates on the questions of torture and extrajudicial executions. Whilst appreciating recommendations in this respect, the Government states categorically that it does not condone torture and extrajudicial executions under any circumstances, and refutes any implicit suggestions that it has been complicit in torture or extrajudicial executions. I would ask the honourable delegates to appreciate that there is an absolute constitutional guarantee against torture in article 11 of the constitution of the Republic. It constitutes a criminal offense, with a seven year minimum term of imprisonment. The Supreme Court is empowered to make determinations regarding allegations of torture and about compensation. All complaints of torture are impartially and comprehensively investigated and perpetrators prosecuted in our courts. The civil legal system enables victims to obtain damages additionally. It also follows that disciplinary action may be taken against public officials if found guilty of those offenses of perpetrated torture.
On the question of extrajudicial killing, I would want delegates to appreciate that extrajudicial killings are also criminalized without any exception. Comprehensive legal processes are available against those responsible for such criminal activity. Sri Lanka will continue, as it does at present, to implement and further develop safeguards against occurrence of such criminal activity.
May I also take this opportunity of dealing with some other matters raised by honourable delegates, such as the question of impunity? Mr. President, let me assure them that every effort is being made to bring to book perpetrators of offenses or violators of human rights. It is not the case that the Government has no will, and I refute the allegation that there is no will to deal with these issues. We have set up the structures necessary and, as we have persistently asked from the Council, we need technical assistance in capacity building to deal with matters being raised in this august assembly from time to time. It might be well to remember that we have a long history of a highly developed legal system. We have a common law which is Roman-Dutch and we have also a very strong influence of the English law. And between these two legal systems we have developed, we have in place a very complex system of laws and I don't think we need any assistance in terms of any legal input to deal with the matters of human rights. In that respect it is our fervent plea that this assembly appreciates the difficulties that we have and why we seek assistance for capacity building.
In our search for improving the situation, and bearing in mind the impact of terrorism on human rights, may I bring another point to your attention regarding funding? This deeply concerns us. I would respectfully and graciously plead with delegates here that every effort be made on your part to stop the funding of terrorism, particularly in Sri Lanka. I am sad to say that we find large money flows from other jurisdictions to Sri Lanka in the funding of terrorism. And it is our fervent belief that if the funding is curtailed, this fight against terrorism could be far more successful and all conflicts could be brought to a peaceful end.
May I also deal with some of the matters raised by some other organizations, when they raised the question of the sexual violence against women in Akkaraipattu, and the critique made with regard to threats to journalists by the Secretary of Defense? We have mechanisms both in our criminal law and our civil law to deal with questions of sexual violence on women be it in Akkaraipattu or in any other part of Sri Lanka. It is not something that is new, it has been an issue that has been dealt with from time immemorial. The structures are in place and the perpetrators of such offenses are brought to book on a routine base. Indictments are sent out by the Attorney General's office, whereby offenders are brought to book, convicted, dealt with and punished in due course.
On the question of the threat to journalists, the Government is conscious of the constitutional guarantee with regard to the freedom of expression. We have written it down in our constitution and we respect that. Now we are only asking that we be understood when we critique the press openly with regard to some matters concerning national security. We cannot compromise on national security whilst assuring the freedom of press which we cherish and would like to protect. All we say is that the press must be conscious of the requirements of national security in the context of the crisis that the country faces. Let me assure you that the Government is committed to the protection of a free press, and this freedom will be assured to every journalist to get about their work because it is the position of the Government that a free press is of great assistance to the country in its process of governance.
Now to deal with another aspect of the matter, with regard to the IIGEP. The IIGEP is still in existence in Sri Lanka, and the comment that the IIGEP does not exist any more was an overstatement. The former members of the IIGEP decided not to function as the members of the IIGEP any more, but it is not the intention of Sri Lanka to derogate from that position but it would invite member states to assist, in whatever way possible, to enhancing the effectiveness of the Commission which is investigating incidents such as the ACF incident and the incident in Trincomalee. Thank you.
Prof Rajiva Wijesinha, Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights
Mr President, in concluding I should point out that the comments made about Sri Lanka fall into different areas which have to be addressed in different ways. Several people raised questions about alleged impunity and disappearances and extra-judicial killings and torture. Let me assure you that we are as concerned as everyone about these, and believe they have to be dealt with. That is why we are cooperating actively with the Special Rapporteur on torture, as we do with the excellent Special Rapporteur on IDPs, though there are fewer problems there as has clearly now been understood. We would have liked to cooperate too with Philip Alston, Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Killings, but he has failed to answer our letters. I wrote to him earlier this year telling him what we are trying to do and asking for his help in certain particulars but there was no response. When we met, I asked why, and he said he didn't have the time. While we appreciate the job is unpaid, as he said, frankly I think you should not take on a job if you don't answer letters. Those of you who have read his initial report in 2006 would have realized what a very helpful report it was, because he drew attention to a lot of problems, and suggested mechanisms of improving them.
I think both he, Sri Lanka, the Office of the High Commissioner, and its Senior Advisor in Colombo were lax in not pursuing those recommendations immediately. But we are determined to do so now at least. For instance he had a lot of comments about the Police, and we did have a so-called international police support group, but I'm afraid it did nothing much except - and we are really extremely grateful to the Government of Sweden for this - for a Project on Scene of Crime Investigation. We have written now to Sweden, and to the United Kingdom which also provided some assistance, and crucially to Japan, which had not participated but which I know is very willing to assist us through the Task Force on Police Training.
We also had a lot of criticism with regard to the National Human Rights Commission. And I would like to place on record here our request that you and this Council investigate why the UNDP Stocktaking Report on our National Human Rights Commission, prepared in April 2007 was suppressed for so long. It was not given to the Head of Capacity Building in Geneva, the new UNDP Head in Colombo had not seen it last year. Now he is working on its recommendations, as we have done in suggesting an MoU between our Ministry and the Commission, but the question is why this has taken so long. We hope very much that assistance that was earlier pledged, and then it seems reneged on, is restored, and that we can ensure the development of Regional Centres, using UN Volunteers, for whom indeed at least one friendly country contributed funding that lay unused.
There are other issues that seem to us less serious. Thankfully we no longer hear allegations that our security forces, in their struggle against terror, indiscriminately target civilians. That is a canard that has been disposed of. Not so the allegations about child soldiers that seek also to incriminate the Sri Lankan forces, in a vain attempt to draw attention away from the continuing malpractices of the LTTE. With regard to general allegations about others accused of child recruitment, I refer you to the report I presented to the Human Rights Committee of Liberal International, and which was distributed to all countries that raised the question during the UPR. I fear it has not been read, but this canard too will soon die down. Meanwhile I should note that the last time I responded to the International Educational Development Inc., it was to condemn their pitiful attempt to justify the LTTE use of children over 15, on the to us utterly spurious grounds that international law permitted this.
The consequences of that type of indulgence can be seen in the tragic story of the 17 year old girl rescued in combat last week from the LTTE by Sri Lankan forces. Note that perhaps even more culpable than partisan NGOs in perpetuating such horrors was the carelessness of particular UN officials in Sri Lanka who argued that the LTTE needed to amend legislation to stop using children between 17 and 18. I am thankful that the UN Special Rapporteur, a Sri Lankan herself, and the current head of UNICEF in Sri Lanka, have made it clear that this is intolerable.
Finally we come to the question of a UN Monitoring Mission, which was raised in 12 of the recommendations we rejected, 11 of them from Europe. Mr President, last week we had very fruitful discussions with the European Commission, which reasserted its very friendly attitude to Sri Lanka. We believe this, but with insistent recommendations such as this, we are reminded rather of the affection of an elder sister. I have an elder sister, Mr President, as I am sure many people here do, and one tends to get tired of relentless finger wagging, done with love doubtless but nevertheless irritating. We have explained why we will not accept a UN Monitoring Mission, which is why we found upsetting the claim of the Danish Ambassador that, because we did not accept this recommendation, the whole UPR process seemed nugatory.
However, we believe our Human Rights situation can improve, and we welcome assistance from the Office of the High Commissioner for this purpose. The website of the OHCRC talks about technical support, but this is not forthcoming, and in particular with building up our national institutions. That, Mr President, is what we must do, and we will welcome criticism of current shortcomings, but not on the assumption that we need to be nannied for ever.
But we make all these efforts, Mr President, in the midst of combating terrorism, and in that respect, as my colleague mentioned, we are disappointed at the reaction of some European countries to our pleas to stop terrorist funding. When I mentioned this to Commissioner Fratini last year, he noted that there were inconsistencies. We do not think this is deliberate but, while we are most grateful to the efforts made by for instance France, we would hope others would be the same. I was told by his office that funds were limited, and that funding tended to be used against what was seen as Islamic terrorism. But, just as no man is an island, terrorism is not an isolated phenomenon, and we must all work together to stop it.
We understand there can be legal delays, we understand that tragedies such as the events of yesterday in Pakistan, can occur, but we expect understanding for our progress not being as fast as required, just as we extend understanding for deficiencies in others. But, confident in the understanding and support of our friends and those unequivocally opposed to terrorism, we will continue with our struggle, Mr President, and not be daunted.
Finally, may I take this opportunity, as you give up this august office, to present you with a book we have issued, entitled 'Pursuing Peace, Fighting Falsehood'. Strengthening Human Rights, Eliminating Terrorism, Pursuing Peace and Fighting Falsehoods that distract us are all essential in our determination to restore pluralistic democracy throughout our country.
Just as all member states have shown their willingness during this Review to help us in the first of these, we hope we will have your support for the other three too.
Courtesy : www.lankamission.org
Final Statement of the Sri Lankan delegation on the Universal Periodic Review of Sri Lanka by the United Nations Human Rights Council June 13th 2008 (adapted from delivery)
This had been preceded first by the statement of the Minister of Disaster Management and Human Rights, read by the Secretary, introducing the Report of the UPR Process. Then followed statements by nine countries, many of which commended Sri Lanka for its efforts to safeguard all human rights despite the difficulties posed by terrorist threats. Unfortunately there was no time for other countries, including those from the SAARC Region, which had put themselves down to speak. Three countries, whilst appreciating progress, and Sri Lankan responses to the UPR process, suggested other areas in which further improvements could be made, while one country expressed disappointment about responses to recommendations, in particular the rejection about acceptance of a UN Monitoring Mission.
Seven statements by Non-Governmental Organizations followed, many of them expressing disappointment about the rejection of this particular recommendation, whilst raising other issues such as the rights of women and children which they felt had not been adequately addressed by member states during the UPR process.
Prof Rajiva Wijesinha, Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, stated in the Sri Lankan response
Mr President, as you noted, this is not supposed to be an interactive dialogue, so we will not respond to individual comments. We are grateful, as we said before during the review, to all the countries that raised issues, not only those that recognized progress made on various fronts but also those that made constructive criticisms to help improve matters. We are pleased that all but one of the countries that spoke today were so positive, and we respect the queries raised by a couple of them and will do our best to address them. However, we will use this time to raise some general issues in order to clarify matters whilst taking the general purpose of this process further. Let me then first ask my colleague Mr Mohan Pieris to address some of the topics raised
Mr. Mohan Peiris, P.C (President's Counsel) Legal Advisor to the Ministry of Defence
I will deal first with some of the salient critiques made by distinguished delegates on the questions of torture and extrajudicial executions. Whilst appreciating recommendations in this respect, the Government states categorically that it does not condone torture and extrajudicial executions under any circumstances, and refutes any implicit suggestions that it has been complicit in torture or extrajudicial executions. I would ask the honourable delegates to appreciate that there is an absolute constitutional guarantee against torture in article 11 of the constitution of the Republic. It constitutes a criminal offense, with a seven year minimum term of imprisonment. The Supreme Court is empowered to make determinations regarding allegations of torture and about compensation. All complaints of torture are impartially and comprehensively investigated and perpetrators prosecuted in our courts. The civil legal system enables victims to obtain damages additionally. It also follows that disciplinary action may be taken against public officials if found guilty of those offenses of perpetrated torture.
On the question of extrajudicial killing, I would want delegates to appreciate that extrajudicial killings are also criminalized without any exception. Comprehensive legal processes are available against those responsible for such criminal activity. Sri Lanka will continue, as it does at present, to implement and further develop safeguards against occurrence of such criminal activity.
May I also take this opportunity of dealing with some other matters raised by honourable delegates, such as the question of impunity? Mr. President, let me assure them that every effort is being made to bring to book perpetrators of offenses or violators of human rights. It is not the case that the Government has no will, and I refute the allegation that there is no will to deal with these issues. We have set up the structures necessary and, as we have persistently asked from the Council, we need technical assistance in capacity building to deal with matters being raised in this august assembly from time to time. It might be well to remember that we have a long history of a highly developed legal system. We have a common law which is Roman-Dutch and we have also a very strong influence of the English law. And between these two legal systems we have developed, we have in place a very complex system of laws and I don't think we need any assistance in terms of any legal input to deal with the matters of human rights. In that respect it is our fervent plea that this assembly appreciates the difficulties that we have and why we seek assistance for capacity building.
In our search for improving the situation, and bearing in mind the impact of terrorism on human rights, may I bring another point to your attention regarding funding? This deeply concerns us. I would respectfully and graciously plead with delegates here that every effort be made on your part to stop the funding of terrorism, particularly in Sri Lanka. I am sad to say that we find large money flows from other jurisdictions to Sri Lanka in the funding of terrorism. And it is our fervent belief that if the funding is curtailed, this fight against terrorism could be far more successful and all conflicts could be brought to a peaceful end.
May I also deal with some of the matters raised by some other organizations, when they raised the question of the sexual violence against women in Akkaraipattu, and the critique made with regard to threats to journalists by the Secretary of Defense? We have mechanisms both in our criminal law and our civil law to deal with questions of sexual violence on women be it in Akkaraipattu or in any other part of Sri Lanka. It is not something that is new, it has been an issue that has been dealt with from time immemorial. The structures are in place and the perpetrators of such offenses are brought to book on a routine base. Indictments are sent out by the Attorney General's office, whereby offenders are brought to book, convicted, dealt with and punished in due course.
On the question of the threat to journalists, the Government is conscious of the constitutional guarantee with regard to the freedom of expression. We have written it down in our constitution and we respect that. Now we are only asking that we be understood when we critique the press openly with regard to some matters concerning national security. We cannot compromise on national security whilst assuring the freedom of press which we cherish and would like to protect. All we say is that the press must be conscious of the requirements of national security in the context of the crisis that the country faces. Let me assure you that the Government is committed to the protection of a free press, and this freedom will be assured to every journalist to get about their work because it is the position of the Government that a free press is of great assistance to the country in its process of governance.
Now to deal with another aspect of the matter, with regard to the IIGEP. The IIGEP is still in existence in Sri Lanka, and the comment that the IIGEP does not exist any more was an overstatement. The former members of the IIGEP decided not to function as the members of the IIGEP any more, but it is not the intention of Sri Lanka to derogate from that position but it would invite member states to assist, in whatever way possible, to enhancing the effectiveness of the Commission which is investigating incidents such as the ACF incident and the incident in Trincomalee. Thank you.
Prof Rajiva Wijesinha, Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights
Mr President, in concluding I should point out that the comments made about Sri Lanka fall into different areas which have to be addressed in different ways. Several people raised questions about alleged impunity and disappearances and extra-judicial killings and torture. Let me assure you that we are as concerned as everyone about these, and believe they have to be dealt with. That is why we are cooperating actively with the Special Rapporteur on torture, as we do with the excellent Special Rapporteur on IDPs, though there are fewer problems there as has clearly now been understood. We would have liked to cooperate too with Philip Alston, Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Killings, but he has failed to answer our letters. I wrote to him earlier this year telling him what we are trying to do and asking for his help in certain particulars but there was no response. When we met, I asked why, and he said he didn't have the time. While we appreciate the job is unpaid, as he said, frankly I think you should not take on a job if you don't answer letters. Those of you who have read his initial report in 2006 would have realized what a very helpful report it was, because he drew attention to a lot of problems, and suggested mechanisms of improving them.
I think both he, Sri Lanka, the Office of the High Commissioner, and its Senior Advisor in Colombo were lax in not pursuing those recommendations immediately. But we are determined to do so now at least. For instance he had a lot of comments about the Police, and we did have a so-called international police support group, but I'm afraid it did nothing much except - and we are really extremely grateful to the Government of Sweden for this - for a Project on Scene of Crime Investigation. We have written now to Sweden, and to the United Kingdom which also provided some assistance, and crucially to Japan, which had not participated but which I know is very willing to assist us through the Task Force on Police Training.
We also had a lot of criticism with regard to the National Human Rights Commission. And I would like to place on record here our request that you and this Council investigate why the UNDP Stocktaking Report on our National Human Rights Commission, prepared in April 2007 was suppressed for so long. It was not given to the Head of Capacity Building in Geneva, the new UNDP Head in Colombo had not seen it last year. Now he is working on its recommendations, as we have done in suggesting an MoU between our Ministry and the Commission, but the question is why this has taken so long. We hope very much that assistance that was earlier pledged, and then it seems reneged on, is restored, and that we can ensure the development of Regional Centres, using UN Volunteers, for whom indeed at least one friendly country contributed funding that lay unused.
There are other issues that seem to us less serious. Thankfully we no longer hear allegations that our security forces, in their struggle against terror, indiscriminately target civilians. That is a canard that has been disposed of. Not so the allegations about child soldiers that seek also to incriminate the Sri Lankan forces, in a vain attempt to draw attention away from the continuing malpractices of the LTTE. With regard to general allegations about others accused of child recruitment, I refer you to the report I presented to the Human Rights Committee of Liberal International, and which was distributed to all countries that raised the question during the UPR. I fear it has not been read, but this canard too will soon die down. Meanwhile I should note that the last time I responded to the International Educational Development Inc., it was to condemn their pitiful attempt to justify the LTTE use of children over 15, on the to us utterly spurious grounds that international law permitted this.
The consequences of that type of indulgence can be seen in the tragic story of the 17 year old girl rescued in combat last week from the LTTE by Sri Lankan forces. Note that perhaps even more culpable than partisan NGOs in perpetuating such horrors was the carelessness of particular UN officials in Sri Lanka who argued that the LTTE needed to amend legislation to stop using children between 17 and 18. I am thankful that the UN Special Rapporteur, a Sri Lankan herself, and the current head of UNICEF in Sri Lanka, have made it clear that this is intolerable.
Finally we come to the question of a UN Monitoring Mission, which was raised in 12 of the recommendations we rejected, 11 of them from Europe. Mr President, last week we had very fruitful discussions with the European Commission, which reasserted its very friendly attitude to Sri Lanka. We believe this, but with insistent recommendations such as this, we are reminded rather of the affection of an elder sister. I have an elder sister, Mr President, as I am sure many people here do, and one tends to get tired of relentless finger wagging, done with love doubtless but nevertheless irritating. We have explained why we will not accept a UN Monitoring Mission, which is why we found upsetting the claim of the Danish Ambassador that, because we did not accept this recommendation, the whole UPR process seemed nugatory.
However, we believe our Human Rights situation can improve, and we welcome assistance from the Office of the High Commissioner for this purpose. The website of the OHCRC talks about technical support, but this is not forthcoming, and in particular with building up our national institutions. That, Mr President, is what we must do, and we will welcome criticism of current shortcomings, but not on the assumption that we need to be nannied for ever.
But we make all these efforts, Mr President, in the midst of combating terrorism, and in that respect, as my colleague mentioned, we are disappointed at the reaction of some European countries to our pleas to stop terrorist funding. When I mentioned this to Commissioner Fratini last year, he noted that there were inconsistencies. We do not think this is deliberate but, while we are most grateful to the efforts made by for instance France, we would hope others would be the same. I was told by his office that funds were limited, and that funding tended to be used against what was seen as Islamic terrorism. But, just as no man is an island, terrorism is not an isolated phenomenon, and we must all work together to stop it.
We understand there can be legal delays, we understand that tragedies such as the events of yesterday in Pakistan, can occur, but we expect understanding for our progress not being as fast as required, just as we extend understanding for deficiencies in others. But, confident in the understanding and support of our friends and those unequivocally opposed to terrorism, we will continue with our struggle, Mr President, and not be daunted.
Finally, may I take this opportunity, as you give up this august office, to present you with a book we have issued, entitled 'Pursuing Peace, Fighting Falsehood'. Strengthening Human Rights, Eliminating Terrorism, Pursuing Peace and Fighting Falsehoods that distract us are all essential in our determination to restore pluralistic democracy throughout our country.
Just as all member states have shown their willingness during this Review to help us in the first of these, we hope we will have your support for the other three too.
Courtesy : www.lankamission.org
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